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Demokrasi di Atas Pasir: Kemajuan dan Kemunduran Demokratisasi di Indonesia Image

Demokrasi di Atas Pasir: Kemajuan dan Kemunduran Demokratisasi di Indonesia

Buku ini didasarkan atas survei yang menunjukkan bahwa demokrasi Indonesia, selain memperlihatkan kemajuan-kemajuan juga memperlihatkan beberapa kemunduran. Adalah benar bahwa rakyat yang sudah bebeas menggunakan hak suara mereka dalam pemilu, akan tetapi kaum perempuan (yang kebanyakan tidak memiliki jaringan yang bagus), kaum miskin dan kelompok marjinal, secara de facto terhalang untuk maju sebagai kandidat dan bahkan kadangkala untuk memilih. Upaya untuk mengembangkan representasi popular menjadi terhambat. Isu-isu mendasar seperti persamaan hak-hak sipil dan politik, serta pemenuhan hak-hak sosial, ekonomi, dan budaya juga menghadapi tantangan serupa. Oleh karena itu, ada kebutuhan mendesak untuk mengembangkan blok politik demokratis yang terorganisasikan dengan baik dan tidak didominasi atau dipengaruhi oleh partai. Upaya ini perlu dilakukan untuk mengingkatkan pengaruh masyarakat (demos) yang independen ke dalam aktivitas-aktivitas politik yang terorganisir; untuk mengubah relasi-relasi kekuasaan yang ada melalui representasi dan partisipasi yang lebih merakyat; untuk meningkatkan posisi-tawar yang mengarahkan pada tercapainya kompromi-kompromi yang lebih baik untuk pembangunan berkelanjutan berdasarkan prinsip-prinsip hak asasi manusia.
Pakistan: Civil\u002DMilitary Relations in a Post\u002DColonial State Image
Journal article

Pakistan: Civil-Military Relations in a Post-Colonial State

This article has attempted to explain why the military has remained a powerful political institution/force in Pakistan. Its purpose was to test a hypothesis that posited that the colonial authority structure and the 1947 partition-oriented structural dynamics provided an important structural construct in explaining politics and the military in post-colonial Pakistan. To explain and analyse the problem, the study used books, journals, newspapers and government documents for quantitative/ explanatory analysis. The analysis has focused on the military in the colonial authority structure in which the former, along with the civil bureaucracy and the landed-feudal class, formed an alliance to pursue politico-economic interests in British India. The article has also explained and analysed the partitionoriented structural dynamics in terms of territory (Kashmir) and population (Indian refugees). The findings proved that these ‘structural dynamics' have affected politics and the military in Pakistan. The theoretical framework in terms of ‘praetorian oligarchy' has been applied to structurally explain colonial politics as well as politics and the military in Pakistan. The study treated Pakistan as a praetorian state which structurally inherited the pre-partition ‘praetorian oligarchy'. This praetorian oligarchy constructed ‘Hindu India' as the enemy to pursue politico-economic interests. The military, a part of praetorian oligarchy, emerged from this as a powerful political actor due to its coercive power. It has sought political power to pursue economic objectives independently.
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Power, Conflict and Democracy: the Analytical Framework Image
Journal article

Power, Conflict and Democracy: the Analytical Framework

The point of departure for the Power, Conflict and Democracy Programme (PCD) is the critique of the two conventional explanations for the problems of democratisation in the global South for being empirically mistaken and based on narrow and static theory.2 We argue that the root causes for the crisis of democratisation are neither poor application of the mainstream model (emphasising elitist pacts and institution-building in return for more privatisation and self management), nor that democracy is premature due the lack of sufficient preconditions. Rather, the more fundamental dilemma is the depoliticisation of democracy and the fact that the paradigms are unable to conceptualise the problems and options involved. This inability is because the proponents of both the dominant arguments agree on a narrow definition of democracy in terms of freedoms and fair elections – and then either neglect the basic conditions or say they have to be created beforehand by other means. The result is that both paradigms exclude by definition approaches that focus less on democratic rules of the game in themselves and more on how these institutions may be used and expanded in favour of improved social, economic and other conditions. Given that such social democratic oriented paths have been quite important, especially in the transition of the previously poor Scandinavian countries into welfare states, and that adapted versions are now gaining ground in paradigmatic cases such as Brazil, there is an obvious need to widen the perspective.
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